House Majority Leader Joe Fitzgibbon (D-West Seattle) admitted he was intoxicated during a House Appropriations Committee hearing on the state’s supplemental operating budget.

Yes — the budget.

During debate on House Bill 2289, Fitzgibbon appeared glassy-eyed and slurred through his closing remarks, praising the proposal for “lifting up” unheard voices. At one point, committee chair Timm Ormsby (D-Spokane) called a recess to remove him from the room — only for him to return moments later and continue speaking.

The next morning, Fitzgibbon emailed an admission: he made a “poor choice” by drinking before the workday was over. He said he was disappointed in himself and promised it wouldn’t happen again.

Republicans on the committee said what everyone in the room already knew — he was clearly impaired. Rep. Michelle Valdez (R-Gig Harbor) pointed out the obvious: the majority leader is one of the most powerful lawmakers in Olympia and plays a central role in shaping Washington’s multibillion-dollar budget. Watching him show up intoxicated, she said, was deeply troubling.

This wasn’t a random floor speech. This was an executive session on how to spend taxpayer dollars.

For a caucus that constantly lectures Washingtonians about responsibility, accountability, and “serious governance,” the optics couldn’t be worse. When leadership can’t even make it through a budget hearing sober, it’s fair to ask whether the dysfunction voters see in Olympia starts at the top. Read more at Center Square.

Washington Democrats are escalating their long-running fight with the Northwest ICE Processing Center in Tacoma — this time by proposing steep fines, a new tax surcharge, and expanded reporting requirements for the privately operated detention facility run by The GEO Group.

The push comes after years of legal wrangling over the state’s authority to regulate the federal detention center. Last year, a federal appeals court allowed Washington to enforce health and safety standards at the facility. When the state Department of Health attempted to inspect the center in September, officials say they were turned away.

Now lawmakers want consequences.

Under Senate Bill 6286, private detention operators that refuse inspections could face fines starting at $1,000 per day, escalating to $15,000 per day. The money would fund assistance programs for people allegedly harmed or wrongfully detained.

Another proposal, House Bill 2713, would slap a 1% business and occupation tax surcharge on private detention operators. The GEO Group’s most recent ICE contract for the 1,575-bed Tacoma facility is reportedly worth $700 million over 10 years — meaning Olympia sees both a political target and a revenue stream.

Supporters, including Sen. Tina Orwall (D-Des Moines), frame the effort as a human rights issue, citing concerns about detainee treatment and the need for transparency.

Critics, like Sen. Leonard Christian (R-Spokane Valley), say the legislation unfairly targets a contractor carrying out federal policy. In his view, the facility is providing a service requested by the federal government — and the state is attempting to punish it for doing so.

There’s also House Bill 2464, which would require detailed reporting on abuse allegations, deaths, and serious injuries. That bill has already passed the House on a party-line vote and is advancing in the Senate.

The broader strategy is clear: if Washington can’t block federal immigration enforcement outright, it can regulate, tax, fine, and litigate around the edges.

Whether that holds up in court — or simply adds to the state’s mounting legal bills — remains to be seen. But one thing is certain: in Olympia, even federal policy disagreements are an opportunity for new penalties and new revenue streams. Read more at the Washington State Standard.

One of 656 city-funded signs declaring Seattle property off-limits for federal civil immigration enforcement just went up at Jefferson Park in Beacon Hill — courtesy of Mayor Katie Wilson’s Jan. 29 executive order.

The message? City property “shall not be used for civil immigration enforcement staging, operations, or processing.”

Translation: Seattle is doubling down on sanctuary politics — with signage.

Wilson justified the move by accusing the federal government of “unpredictable, chaotic, and violent behavior” tied to immigration enforcement actions elsewhere. The U.S. Department of Justice quickly responded that it will not tolerate obstruction of federal law and has already sued other jurisdictions over similar policies.

But Seattle is pressing ahead anyway.

According to a memo, the city will post:

• 470 signs at parks, pools, and community centers
• 60 at Seattle City Light properties
• 25 at City Hall and municipal buildings
• 20 at Seattle Center

Cost to manufacture: $45,000.
Installation costs: unknown.
Legal defense costs if sued: also unknown.

Priorities, though? Crystal clear.

Andrew Arthur of the Center for Immigration Studies called the order “political pandering” that likely won’t survive a legal challenge, noting the 10th Amendment doesn’t override federal supremacy. Meanwhile, Seattle’s own City Attorney, Erika Evans, promises to “fight vigorously” in court if needed — meaning taxpayers may soon fund both the signs andthe lawsuits.

Council Public Safety Committee Chair Bob Kettle defended the move as a way to signal support to immigrants who lack faith in government.

That’s thoughtful. Though residents might be wondering when City Hall will show equal urgency toward fentanyl overdoses, open-air drug markets, and crumbling infrastructure.

To be fair, the order does not block ICE when agents have a judicial warrant. But the symbolism is the point. Seattle leaders want the country — and especially their activist base — to know exactly where they stand.

The Justice Department just sued New Jersey over similar restrictions. Chicago and Providence have adopted comparable policies. Seattle appears eager to join the litigation club.

Because nothing says “effective governance” like spending tens of thousands of dollars on signage that may end up as courtroom exhibits. Read more at Center Square.

Retired Judge Dave Larson isn’t easing into retirement. He’s sprinting back into the arena — because five seats on the Washington State Supreme Court are up this year, and he sees a rare opportunity to shift a court that many conservatives argue has drifted far from everyday Washingtonians.

On The Jason Rantz Show on Seattle Red 770 AM, Larson made it clear: this isn’t symbolic. With five seats on the ballot, voters could actually change the direction of the court — something that hasn’t happened in years while Democrats quietly cemented their influence over nearly every lever of state power.

Larson says the current court is too focused on rigid rules and not enough on real-world results for families and neighborhoods. His “repair shop, not a junkyard” philosophy? Courts should fix problems early, not create systems people fear — or worse, systems that enable repeat offenders to cycle endlessly without consequences.

And here’s where it gets uncomfortable for the status quo.

Larson is raising red flags about proposed court rule changes that would make it nearly impossible to issue arrest warrants for people who simply skip court. Because apparently, in modern Olympia logic, missing your court date is just another scheduling conflict.

He’s not calling for being “tougher” or “softer” on crime. He’s calling for being smarter — which in 2026 feels downright revolutionary. Larson argues judges can’t hide behind “judicial independence” as a shield for policies that erode accountability and public trust.

For years, Democrats have expanded their dominance in Olympia — the Legislature, the governor’s office, and effectively the courts. This election is one of the first real opportunities voters have had to rebalance that power.

And when a retired judge says the court needs to work for the people again, not the political class, it’s worth paying attention. Read more at Seattle Red.

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